Knowing the background in business of members of the playhouse Players and company commerce 23 world, nineteenth-century scholars might have considered the in¯uence of the guild as players organized themselves into functional units, secured places to perform, and avoided constraints from the lord mayor and Privy Council. The purpose of this chapter is to remove one foundational block, Histrio-Mastix, by arguing that it is a red herring in discussions of company commerce. Also an issue of audiences is the frequency of performances at the men's and boys' playhouses. According to my doubling charts, Antonio's Revenge and The Wisdom of Doctor Dodypoll, which were in production in 1600±1, required twenty and twenty-one players respectively see tables 5 and 6 In Antonio's Revenge, three players had parts of 250 lines or more, and two had one hundred lines or more; in The Wisdom of Doctor Dodypoll, four players had parts of 250 lines or more, and two had one hundred lines or more. Roslyn Knutson argues that the companies cooperated in the adoption of business practices that would enable the theatrical enterprise to flourish.
It is unclear why Slater left, where he went, or whether there were hard feelings. Five advertised the Children of Paul's: The Maid's Metamorphosis, Jack Drum's Entertainment, The Wisdom of Doctor Dodypoll, Antonio and Mellida, and Antonio's Revenge. Therefore, for the years of Harbage's supposed war between the boys' and men's companies 1600±8 , Richard Burbage and all who pro®ted from his ®nancial ventures had an interest in the success of the Blackfriars company. A second example is a letter in 1599 from Bird to Henslowe, asking desperately for a 40s. It was at least as old as the conversations in 1619 between Ben Jonson and William Drummond of Hawthornden. Marston's Scourge of Villanie is very trendy in this regard; HistrioMastix is not at all. An oddity of the time, namely the explosion of playbook registrations in 1600±1, may be attributed in part to a jockeying for public attention by the Admiral's Men and Chamberlain's Men, but not, it appears, to their putative rivalry with the boys' companies.
By removing these four plays as evidence of a cut-throat rivalry among 12 Playing Companies and Commerce in Shakespeare's Time the companies, I open discussion to alternative strategies of competition such as imitation and cooperation. The Family History Library at the Little Rock branch of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints was the ®rst site where I was able to practice what Laetitia taught me about reading Elizabethan documents, and I appreciate all the help given me there. Greg, in Dramatic Documents from the Elizabethan Playhouses 1931 , accepted Wallace's inference of polarized relations between the Alleyns and the Burbages. Andrew Gurr and Richard Dutton consider the in¯uence in the 1590s of the Privy Council and a pair of its members who were also the patrons of players. The company thought well enough of it commercially to sell it for publication with a batch of other successes in the summer of 1600, though the actual printing apparently never took place.
However, other entries suggest different stories from this one of placid commercial stability; unfortunately, like the suit with Slater, the entries begin narratives for which there are no subsequent episodes. In addition to providing only a partial map of London playhouse enterprises, the narrative of theatrical wars gives a one-sided view of touring. In chapter six, I consider Poetaster and Satiromastix as companion offerings that promoted the business of playing in similar ways. It was singled out for examination and perhaps restraint on 10 May 1601. But it was bad judgment on Langley's part to become embroiled in a suit with the members of Pembroke's Men who had joined the Admiral's Men at the Rose when playing resumed in October 1597.
Histrio-Mastix and company commerce -- 5. Greg published two scenarios in which the texts of plays taken on tour were abridged to permit a smaller cast and rewritten to 112 Playing Companies and Commerce in Shakespeare's Time entertain a rural audience. Phillips also remembered his apprentices in the will. Theatre history as personality 19 By any measure, audience taste is dif®cult to verify, being not necessarily as tied to class as scholars of a former time liked to assume. Believing Marston to be the reviser, Simpson assigned parts of Acts ii and iii and all of Acts iv and v to him. Saviour's of the burial of Edmund Shakespeare, a player, for whom someone paid 20s. It threatened to cost all of the companies their license to play.
Scholars have opinions on these matters, but little conclusive documentation. Players, what Players be they? It is possible to argue backward from these records as indeed I do in the section below on the repertory and company commerce , but evidence for the arguments is only circumstantial. As in-house dramatist, he presumably also provided routine services such as prologues and epilogues for occasional performances, revisions for changes in venue or company personnel, and emendations to avoid censorship or facilitate a revival. It does not take into account the Privy Council, which might order playhouses to be torn down, or plays to be taken off the stage, or certain companies to be authorized, or the number of days of playing per week to be limited. However, Theatre history as personality 15 from the perspective of company commerce, the two periods of signi®cant trade with stationers were 1593±4 and 1600±1.
Having used the trap to effect, Jonson con®scates a playgoer's stool so that Crispinus may both watch and participate in the comedy of manners at the house of Chloe and Albius 2. Thorpe must have had further contact with Marston in the acquisition of What You Will, which he published in 1607 with a title-page advertisement of Marston but no playhouse ; and he might have had contact with Marston in 1605 in the acquisition of Eastward Ho! Building on Penniman, Roscoe A. The model for these relationships, as I also argue, was the guild. Thomas Creede also supposedly pro®ted disproportionately from the trade in playbooks, but during the time that he was printing six of Blayney's twenty-seven plays plus 1 Contention and Selimus, he was making money on the printing of twenty-six non-theatrical items. The charts for these three plays suggest that Marston knew the number of players in the Children of Paul's and their level of expertise.
However, he did not go empty handed. While he was playing at the Rose and Swan, Downton lived in St. In the wake of sales in 1600±1, more plays eventually were sold to stationers, and it appears that the companies had recognized and embraced one commercial feature of such sales, for their names as owners now frequently appeared on the title pages of plays printed after 1601. As in Poetaster, Tucca is a unifying ®gure in the action, moving freely between the poet's and courtiers' worlds. The Admiral's Men introduced four more new histories in 1595±6, two in the fall-winter season and two in the spring-summer. But by the 1590s other companies were established in 8 Playing Companies and Commerce in Shakespeare's Time London in their own playhouses where they attracted crowds six and seven days a week without paying for horses, a wagon, and lodging for twelve men and some boys.